39. Notes the priority given by President Xi’s presidency to the relationship with the US, given his proposal for a ‘new type of major power relationship’ between China, the US and other regional actors; favours a more constructive approach to a new world order which China should help construe and integrate, one founded on the universal values of human rights, democracy and human security; calls on the EU to be more active in Asia, and to cooperate with China, the US and other regional actors for more stability in the region; 40. Emphasises that the recent White Paper on China’s military strategy states Beijing’s intentions to further expand the Chinese navy and extend the range of its operations, shifting from ‘offshore waters defence’ to ‘open seas protection’; deplores the unilateral establishment of an air-defence identification zone and the consequent claim over navigational air control within Japanese and South Korean territory; calls for a balanced attitude, to avoid worries on the part of China’s neighbours and more tension in the Pacific and Indian Oceans and guarantee Europe’s crucial interest in freedom of navigation on the seas; 41. Considers it regrettable that, contrary to the 2002 Declaration of Conduct, several parties are reclaiming land in the Spratly Islands, and is especially concerned about the massive scale of China’s present efforts, which include building military facilities, ports and at least one airstrip; specifically warns against the looming danger of an increased presence of and confrontation between rival naval vessels and air patrols in the area and of the possible establishment of an air defence identification zone (IDAZ) over the South China Sea; 42. Remains alarmed at the escalating tension between parties in the South China Sea and calls, therefore, on all parties involved to avoid unilateral provocative actions in the South China Sea and stresses the importance of peaceful settlement of disputes, based on international law and with the help of impartial international mediation such as the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS); considers it regrettable that China refuses to acknowledge the jurisdiction of both UNCLOS and the Court of Arbitration; urges China to reconsider its stance and calls on all the parties including China to respect the eventual decision of UNCLOS ; considers that a way forward for a possible peaceful resolution of the tension in the areas of the South and East China Seas is the negotiation and joint implementation of codes of conduct for the peaceful exploitation of the maritime areas in question, including the establishment of safe trade routes and quotas for fishing or attribution of areas for resource exploration; endorses the urgent call by the 26th ASEAN Summit for the speedy adoption of a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea; welcomes the agreement reached recently between China and ASEAN to speed up consultations on a Code of Conduct for the disputes in the South China Sea; takes note of Taiwan’s ‘South China Sea Peace Initiative’ aimed at reaching a consensus on a code of conduct and the establishment of a mechanism allowing all sides to cooperate in the joint exploitation of natural and marine resources in the region; supports all actions enabling the South China Sea to become a ‘Sea of Peace and Cooperation’; 43. Calls on the VP/HR to identify the risks to peace and security in the region as well as globally should armed conflict arise in the East and South China Seas, in line with the priorities set forth in the European Maritime Security Strategy, what risks this would entail for the freedom and safety of navigation in the region, and what risks exist there to specific European interests; considers that since other actors (notably Australia) are