C. whereas largely ignored in Europe, the Chinese leadership has gradually and systematically stepped up its efforts to translate its economic weight into political influence, notably through strategic infrastructure investments and new transport links, as well as strategic communication aimed at influencing European political and economic decision-makers, the media, universities and academic publishers and the wider public in order to shape perceptions about China and convey a positive image of the country, by building up ‘networks’ of supportive European organisations and individuals across societies; whereas China’s surveillance of the large number of mainland students now studying across Europe is cause for concern as are its efforts to control people in Europe who have fled China; D. whereas the 16+1 format between China on one hand, and 11 Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEs) and five Balkan countries on the other, was established in 2012 in the aftermath of the financial crisis and as part of Chinese sub-regional diplomacy to develop large-scale infrastructure projects and strengthen economic and trade cooperation; whereas planned Chinese investment and funding in these countries is substantial, but not as important as EU investment and engagement; whereas European countries participating in this format should consider giving greater weight to the notion of one voice for the EU in its relations with China; E. whereas China is the fastest-growing market for EU food products; F. whereas China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), including China’s Arctic Policy, is the most ambitious foreign policy initiative the country has ever adopted, comprising geopolitical and security-related dimensions and therefore going beyond the claimed scope of economic and trade policy; whereas BRI was further strengthened with the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) in 2015; whereas the EU insists on a multilateral governance structure and on non-discriminatory implementation of the BRI; whereas the European side wishes to guarantee that any connectivity project under BRI will honour the obligations stemming from the Paris accord as well as ensure that other international environmental, labour and social standards and the rights of indigenous people are upheld; whereas the Chinese infrastructure projects could create large debts for the European governments to Chinese state-owned banks offering loans on non-transparent terms and create few jobs in Europe; whereas some BRI-related infrastructure projects have already placed third governments in a state of over-indebtedness; whereas so far the lion’s share of all BRI-related contracts have been awarded to Chinese companies; whereas China is using some of its industrial standards in BRI-related projects in a discriminatory way; whereas BRI-related projects must not be awarded in a non-transparent tender; whereas within the BRI, China is using a multiplicity of channels; whereas 27 national EU ambassadors to Beijing have recently compiled a report that sharply criticises the BRI project, denouncing it as being designed to hamper free trade and put Chinese companies at an advantage; whereas BRI is regrettably devoid of any kind of human rights safeguards; G. whereas China’s diplomacy has increasingly emerged as a stronger player from the 19th Party Congress and this year’s National People’s Congress (NPC), with at least five highranking officials in charge of the country’s foreign policy and a substantial boost to the budget of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; whereas a newly created State International Development Cooperation Agency will be in charge of coordinating China’s growing budget for foreign aid;